The cultural and ecological impacts of aboriginal tourism: a case study on Taiwan’s Tao tribe

The number of global tourists participating in aboriginal tourism has been steadily growing and today is an indispensable category in the tourism industry (Zeppel2006). With the prevalence of aboriginal tourism, many indigenous people and the areas in which they live are significantly impacted by tourism activities. The Hopi and Acoma Indian reservations in Southwestern United States are a representative example of this concern. The populations of these two areas are approximately 6,000 and 4,000, respectively; however, the regions see 75,000–100,000 and 300,000–400,000 visitors each year (Lew1999). The ratio of tourists to residents can be greater than several hundred fold, indicating that the demand for aboriginal tourism is significant. The crowds inject money into the local economy. Thus, many aboriginal communities expect to improve their economic environment through the development of tourism, while government agencies also push measures that promote tourism to expand the market of aboriginal tourism and increase the living standards of indigenous people (Butler and Hinch2007; Whitford and Ruhanen2010). However, the relationship between tourism growth and the economic development of indigenous people is still controversial (Weaver2009).

Tourism activities indeed can positively impact aboriginal communities, with these impacts primarily coming from the direct and indirect economic incentives from tourist spending. As an example of a direct benefit resulting from tourism activities, both the number of employed indigenous people and incomes can be increased (Strickland-Munro and Moore2013). The importance of traditional culture and the Holy Land of the indigenous people may be increased as a result of tourism needs; therefore, these considerations receive more attention and can be more properly preserved (Smith et al.2009). The ecological environment and conservation of biodiversity in the traditional living areas of indigenous people may receive more adequate protection through the infusion of financial resources for conservation due to tourism activates (Nursey-Bray and Rist2009; Scherl and Edwards2007).

Although aboriginal tourism has the aforementioned advantages, some studies also show negative impacts of tourism on indigenous people, including influences on the economy, culture, ecological environment, etc. The business opportunities brought about by tourism can attract the influx of floating populations, which crowd out work opportunities for indigenous people and increase unemployment rates. The increase of tourist spending causes prices to rise at the tourist sites, leading to the inability of the indigenous to be able to afford their daily needs and, consequently, exacerbating the poverty problem. If the employment of indigenous people is limited to the tourism industry and there is a lack of opportunity in other industries, the development of indigenous populations will be more limited (Schellhorn2010).

Aboriginal tourism also significantly impacts non-economic fields. New modes of economic revenue accompanied by tourism activities may change the traditional social mechanisms of aboriginal tribes. As an example, elders in aboriginal tribes often lack competitiveness in the tourism industry; as a result, their traditional status and power can be undermined (Ishii2012). Additionally, cultural activities and natural resource management methods that rely on traditional knowledge (such as forbidden areas and related taboos) may therefore decline, and the ecological environment will be affected. Merlan (1998) clearly notes that the entry of tourists significantly interferes with indigenous beliefs; thus, their natural resource use methods will be changed. For example, the traditional beliefs held by the indigenous peoples of Edith Falls near Katherine, Australia, include the notion that the Rainbow Serpent resides in some surrounding; they consider those places to be forbidden areas, and tribe members are prohibited from entering to avoid bringing about disaster. However, the local indigenous people believe that the interference of tourists has already led to the disappearance of the Rainbow Serpent; therefore, the activities of the local indigenous people in these forbidden areas has increased (Merlan1998). This kind of disappearance of the natural resource management culture, resulting from tourism and the increase of human activities in ecologically sensitive lands, will further threaten the ecological environment of the traditional living territory of the indigenous people.

Aboriginal tourism can have both positive and negative impacts on indigenous people and their living environment; therefore, when planning or promoting aboriginal tourism, the impacts of aboriginal tourism always should be investigated, and the results should then be used to adjust the management measures of aboriginal tourism-related activities to take advantage of the benefits and avoid any disadvantages. Although the number of related case studies in each region continues to increase, the complex relationship between tourism development and indigenous development is still difficult to clarify on a per case basis (Weaver2009). Therefore, it is difficult to directly use other people’s experience to plan and promote aboriginal tourism. One of the prioritized approaches to solve this problem is to investigate the aboriginal tourism impacts in each region.

Investigation of the impacts of Taiwan’s own aboriginal tourism industry on the culture and ecology of the indigenous people in Taiwan is one of the key issues for developing sustainable aboriginal tourism in Taiwan. Taiwan is a multi-ethnic country: there are 14 officially recognized aboriginal tribes, each of which can be further divided into different tribal subgroups. Additionally, the cultures and languages of these subgroups are not the same. Because of the high degree of indigenous cultural diversity, the resources of aboriginal tourism in Taiwan are abundant. In fact, cultural activities and the rituals of indigenous people are already the key items in Taiwanese tourism. The social structure of indigenous people and the ecological resources of their living environment inevitably suffer from the impact of tourism activities. The demands of aboriginal tourism continue to expand, prompting the government to build more public facilities but also causing the exodus of indigenous populations; therefore, it is difficult to continue the cultural heritage, and the habitats of many species will become damaged. Although the negative impacts associated with aboriginal tourism in Taiwan are readily apparent, academic literature presenting in-depth analyses of the causes and results of each negative impact in aboriginal tourism remains limited; additionally, comprehensive studies on tourism, culture, and ecology are even more scarce.

To compensate for the lack of the aforementioned studies, this study uses the Tao tribe on the Orchid Island of Taiwan as the case study to present the impacts of aboriginal tourism on indigenous people and their living environment to promote the understanding of the complex relationship among aboriginal tourism, traditional culture, and ecological protection in academic communities (Buultjens et al.2010; Strickland-Munro and Moore2013; Whitford and Ruhanen2010) and to investigate measures that can reduce the negative impacts of aboriginal tourism in Taiwan. Orchid Island and the Tao tribe were chosen because they have are unique in terms of the natural environment and culture. Additionally, Orchid Island has been open to tourism and in frequent contact with the outside world for less than half of a century; therefore, the impacts of tourism activities on Orchid Island and the Tao tribe can be readily observed and analyzed.

With respect to the ecological environment and cultural activities of Orchid Island and Taiwan, the differences between the Tao tribe and other indigenous tribes in Taiwan are significant. The Elegant Scops owl is endemic to Orchid Island, and the Birdwing butterfly is a protected species in Taiwan and is only present on Orchid Island and Batanes Island. The living culture and rituals, such as underground houses, canoes, and the flying fish festival, are characteristic of the Tao tribe; other aboriginal tribes in Taiwan do not have share these in their culture. However, indigenous communities with similar language and culture to that of the Tao tribe are found on Batanes Island. Because of the unique anthropological nature of the Tao, during the Japanese occupation era, the colonial government identified Orchid Island as a study area and barred people from entering the island. During the early era of the National Government, the military controlled tourist entry to Orchid Island. In 1967, Kaiyuan Harbor was officially opened, and tourism followed. In 1970, when the Orchid Island aerial line was opened, tourism began to increase; the degree of impact on Orchid Island and the Tao tribe caused by the outside world also significantly increased.

With respect to the ecology of Orchid Island and the culture of the Tao tribe, the impacts of tourism on the three protected wild animal species of Taiwan, including Elegant Scops owls, Birdwing butterflies, and coconut crabs, are relatively apparent. These three animals play important roles in the culture of the Tao tribe and are indicators of the traditional biological resources. The strong cultural taboo strictly prohibits members of the Tao tribe from hunting and collecting these; however, these three species have become protected because their population numbers continue to decrease. This change occurred after Orchid Island was opened for tourism; therefore, these three species can be studied to investigate the impacts of tourism activities. Thus, in this study, we select Elegant Scops owls, Birdwing butterflies, and coconut crabs to analyze the impacts of aboriginal tourism on the traditional culture and ecology of indigenous people.

Orchid Island is located off the southeastern coast of Taiwan, with its closest distance to Taiwan Island equal to approximately 80 km. Orchid Island covers an area of approximately 45 km² and is the second largest affiliated island of Taiwan. Its shortest distance to the Batanes Island of the Philippines is only 100 km, and the Kuroshio Current flows from Batanes Island to Orchid Island; therefore, the similarity of species and ecology between Orchid Island and the Philippines is higher than that between Orchid Island and Taiwan. As an example, approximately 29 plant species are common among Orchid Island and Taiwan but are not found in the Philippines, while approximately 32 plants are commonly seen both on Orchid Island and in the Philippines but not on Taiwan. Based on these characteristics of plant composition, Hosokawa (1958) suggests that the Neo-Wallace Line should pass between Taiwan and Orchid Island, with Orchid Island instead belonging to the Philippines floristic region rather than the East-Asian floristic region, which Taiwan is in.

In addition to Orchid Island’s similarity to the Philippines in terms of ecological characteristics, the consanguinity and culture of the indigenous Tao tribe on the island are also very similar to that of Filipinos. In fact, the oral history of the Tao tribe mentions that their ancestors were from Batanes Island; the oral literature of Batanes Island also records that the Batanes people migrated to Orchid Island due to tsunami. The dialects currently used by residents in these two places are 60% similar, and the ways in which these peoples use torches to trap and catch flying fish at night are identical. The type of canoes used by the Tao people can be found at Batanes Island. Regardless of historical literature, language, or life style, these two places present many historical links.

The cultural characteristics of the Tao tribe, such as the flying fish festival, canoes, and underground houses, are unique to the Tao tribe in Taiwan; other indigenous tribes in Taiwan do not have such cultural features. The flying fish season represents the core of the life and culture of the Tao tribe; the annual rituals and lifestyles are operated according to the flying fish season. The flying fish season spans from February to August each year, with several important ceremonies taking place during this period, such as mivanwa (flying fish attracting festival) and manoigoyin (end of eating flying fish festival). During the flying fish season, the people are not allowed to catch other than the flying fish and the common dolphinfish; they also have specific regulations for fishing gear and the number of people allowed to fish. During this period, all tribe members must follow traditional norms and avoid violating the related taboos, i.e., must not interfere with the tribe peoples’ lifestyle or affect their personal social status.

Canoes are important tools for earning a living, holding importance as tools allowing the Tao people to go sea fishing and as the symbols of social status. The body of a canoe is assembled from a combination of wood types; based on the size of the body, approximately 21–27 pieces of wood plates are used. Based on position and functional necessity, the wood plates must be made of different materials; for example, Fiji longan is used for the bilge keel, and bread tree is used for the top level of the side panel. No nails are used to fabricate the ship; only wood nogs made of small-leaved Mulberry are used for joining. To avoid leaks, the gaps between plates are stuffed with fibers from the root of Zanthoxylum integrifoliolum.

The houses of the Tao tribe consist of three main constructions: a main house, a working room, and a veranda. The primary function of the main house is sleeping, cooking, storage, and rituals. The working room is a vertical wall structure that can avoid rain and wind. The height of its floor is the same as that of the ground outside the house, and it is a place for activities, such as making handicrafts and entertaining guests. The veranda is a small stilt structure, which is 60–90 cm above the ground; here, Tao people chat, work, and rest. The main house is semi-underground; thus, the Tao house is also called an underground house. It reflects the unique culture of the Tao tribe and, as a structural style, was developed to avoid typhoon disturbances. The main house is built approximately 2 m underground with only the roof above the ground, which can effectively defend the house from strong wind damage.

In addition to their practical functions, canoes and houses are symbols of social status among the Tao people. However, their construction must follow strict regulations, otherwise these items will bring disaster to the owners. In addition to those taboos associated with canoes and houses, the Tao tribe also have various life taboos. For example, food cannot be discarded, catching other fish is prohibited during the flying fish season, catching coconut crabs and fish is prohibited when one’s wife is pregnant, and the selection of fish for consumption should be based on social status. These taboos are closely associated with the conservation of ecological resources and the environment.

Using fish as an example, edible fish are divided into groups based on the people who are allowed to eat them. The fish that women are allowed to eat also can be eaten by everybody else; however, some fish are designated for men, and women are not allowed to consume them. Additionally, certain fish are designated for consumption by old men, and neither young men, women, nor children can eat these fish. Generally, the fish for men and the fish for old men are easy to catch; while the fish designated for women are more difficult to catch. Therefore, for a man to feed his whole family, he must spend more effort catching fish for the women, which compresses the time available to catch other fish types. Because the fish designated for men are easily caught, this taboo potentially saves these species from overfishing. That is, the taboo limits the number of people who can eat these fish; therefore, the taboo also acts to prevent the extinction of certain fish species as a result of overfishing.

The ecology of Orchid Island and the culture of the Tao tribe are gradually changing due to frequent contact with the outside world. To improve the lives and living environment of the tribe people, the government has initiated massive construction projects. In turn, these projects have caused forest destruction, water loss and soil erosion, and damage to traditional underground houses. Members of the tribe have moved to the main island of Taiwan because of jobs; the promotion of compulsory education also has reduced the opportunities for children to learn their traditional culture, thus creating barriers to cultural heritage. Tourism activities also have caused negative impacts on ecology and culture.

This study uses triangulation to reduce the bias in the study (Decrop1999). The triangulation method incorporates different types of methods, data, observers, and theories to verify and determine the sources of data, data collection strategies, and the validity of time and theoretical frameworks. This study uses many methods, such as participatory observation, in-depth interviews, and a literature review, to collect, analyze, and validate the data. The features, purposes of use, and means of implementation of each method are described below.

This study employed the Tao tribe living on Orchid Island of Taiwan as an example to investigate the impacts of aboriginal tourism on indigenous culture and the natural environment of their living areas. To reduce study bias, this study invoked the triangulation method for qualitative research and used different types of methods to collect, analyze, and validate the data. The methods used included participatory observation, in-depth interviews, and a literature review.

The analytic results showed that tourism activities significantly impact the ecology of Orchid Island and natural resource management practices related to the culture of the Tao tribe. In response to the traffic volume caused by increased tourism, the around-the-island highway was widened. During this process, Pandanus trees were cut and removed, placing coconut crabs in danger of extinction. To promote eco-tourism, trips to observe Elegant Scops owls and Birdwing butterflies are conducted, interfering with the propagation of these two protective species. Elegant Scops owl and Birdwing butterfly tourism activities also break the “evil spirits” taboos of the Tao people, causing gradual disappearance of the regulations of traditional use of natural resources and causing the natural ecology to face the threat of excessive interference.

The decrease of these three species also reflects the decline of the Tao tribe’s traditional culture. The decrease in coconut crabs is associated with the removal of Pandanus trees; the removal of Pandanus trees indicates that the ethnobotanical resources available to the Tao tribe have decreased, while the traditional crafts developed from the Pandanus trees also have disappeared. The decrease in Elegant Scops owls and Birdwing butterflies reflects the weakening of traditional regulations based on taboos. The frequency of Tao people entering ecologically sensitive lands (the forbidden areas) has increased, and the Tao are more willing to lead tourists into these areas, which significantly increases the human disturbance in ecologically sensitive lands.

The results of this study show that aboriginal tourism on Orchid Island has significantly negatively impacted the Tao tribe and the ecology of Orchid Island. Because of tourism, the cultural meanings of the Tao tribe have suffered qualitative changes, and the survival of important species is facing threats due to tourism. In addition to the promotion of aboriginal tourism on Orchid Island, the Taiwanese government should work to actively restore these three protected species; otherwise, the risk of extinction will be significantly increased due to the flourishing tourism industry on Orchid Island. The traditional culture of the Tao tribe also should be actively restored. The Taiwanese government should perform detailed surveys, record the succession of the Tao tribe’s culture, and assist the Tao people in confirming which cultures are traditional norms and which legends are new innovations due to tourism. The Tao people should be assisted in the development of management models that integrate traditional norms and tourism activities to revive their traditional culture and exert the effect of the conservation of biodiversity.